According to a recent report released by the UN Commission on Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) Latin America has just completed it best period, in terms of poverty reduction, in over 25 years. The number of poor shrank from 44 percent in 2002 to 39.8 percent in 2005; however, despite improving economic circumstances, about 205 million people still live in abject poverty in the region. Naturally, as one might suspect, with such a large percentage of the electorate living in squalor while increasingly participating in the electoral process, the contemporary political climate has been dominated by left-leaning populists who promise wealth redistribution, land-reform and new, large-scale welfare programs. Throughout 2006, Latin America experienced 12 elections in one of the regions most active cycles in recent memory. Amidst all the speculation and predictions by the punditry as to what this historic cycle foretells for Latin America, one major divergence from the traditional Latin American pattern should be noted by pundits and policy makers alike: the fissure of Latin America’s Left into two distinct and seemingly diametrically opposed camps.
The Old Left Pulls a Crazy Ivan
In countries like Venezuela, Bolivia and, recently, Ecuador the old left has made quite a noticeable and dangerous transformation. These governing regimes are now primarily authoritarian and appear to have evolved out of traditional Latin American populism; however, their agendas and actions suggest they have fused tradition with cherry-picked elements of nationalism, socialism and fascism. These regimes aim to consolidate political power through open defiance of democratic principles and institutions; they call for state control of natural resources, the nationalization of major industries and aim to mobilize nationalist sentiment by decrying the evils of the US and the neo-liberal economic model. They aim to repress political and economic freedom, further stifle dissent and actively work to tear down the remaining vestiges of liberty. This new left, born out of the legacy of the old, represents a radical neo-fascist shift in Latin American governance. They grasp for ever more power through a style of personalism based on figures like Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa: the radical populists and new-age caudillos.
Venezuela
Hugo Chavez has recently called for, and has been given, the ability to rule by decree for the next 18 months. One of his actions will likely be to abolish Presidential term limits which will make way for him to become “President” for life.
Chavez has undermined and destroyed the legitimacy and independence of the Venezuelan Supreme Court by forcing those not loyal to him to resign, expanding the number of Justices to diminish their influence while packing the court with his own appointees.
He has already nationalized most of the electrical, telecommunications and petroleum industrial infrastructure, expropriated “unused” land and has announced an end to the autonomy of the Venezuelan Central Bank.
Mr. Chavez has repeatedly denounced US policy while openly courting relationships with both Syria and Iran. He aims to create military alliances with those that oppose US influence throughout the world. Ultimately, he aspires to unite Latin America, through his “Bolivarian Revolution”, in an effort to oppose US hegemony.
Bolivia
President Evo Morales and his party, Movimeiento al Socialismo (MAS), have been actively working to create an Indigenous government and society through imposing an Andean culture throughout Bolivia. It is their aim to institute governmental culturalism within an entirely racist vision for the future.
Morales has already signed legislation that would expropriate large swaths of “unproductive” lands from wealthy families as well as, in effect, nationalize the tin and natural gas industries through a new framework of corporate taxes and royalties paid to the state.
Mr. Morales and MAS have pressured the Constituent Assembly to pass a law that would require only a simple majority to amend the Constitution and has announced plans to replace the Bolivian Senate with a “popular” form of assembly. He has also spoken of his aspirations to rule by decree.
MAS and Morales are already using “citizen militias” to oust recently elected opposition governors in the wealthier and whiter southern Departments as well as to stifle political dissent and cultural tolerance. These groups use Gestapo-style tactics similar to those used in Germany under the Nazis, and more recently, under Castro in Cuba and, now, Chavez in Venezuela.
Ecuador
Recently elected President Rafael Correa announced that he would call for a Constituent Assembly in order to change the Ecuadorian Constitution. After firing over half of the elected Congress and replacing them with loyalists…Mr. Correa got his wish. Now, he will choose those to fill the seats of the Assembly that will rewrite the Constitiuon. Mr. Correa is likely to include sweeping new powers allowing him to fulfill his authoritarian desires. He is following the lead of his comrades Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales.
Mr. Correa has said that he is leading a “citizen’s revolution” against neo-liberalism and that Ecuador’s foreign debt is illegitimate. Many believe that Correa is planning to use the Argentine default model as an example of how to turn his economy around. He has vowed to cut ties with the IMF and the World Bank unless his debt load is lowered by half. Suprisingly after announcing that Ecuador would not make its first installment on an IMF loan…it was paid…in cash. It seems that Mr. Chavez is doing more than partnering with Correa and is buying allies much like he has done with Kirchner in Argentina.
Correa has rejected a free trade deal with the US and has said that he will not renew the lease with the US for Manta Air Base when it comes up for renewal in 2009. This base is reported to be responsible for 60 percent of all U.S. drug interdiction in the eastern Pacific.
The Other Left Hangs a Right
While this past election cycle has produced, or in some cases reaffirmed, figures like Chavez and Correa, it has also signaled the emergence of another type or style of leftist in Latin America: the neo-moderate left. This new left appears to be much more pragmatic in its policies than previous Latin American leftists as they have shifted to the right on certain issues while social spending and poverty reduction remain near the top of their national agendas. These regimes, like those of Chile and Peru, are, on the whole, supporters of free markets, free trade policy and are committed to consolidating and preserving democratic institutions. They might, at times, denounce US actions or partner with those who have chosen an adversarial relationship with the US; however, their commitment to democratic and, mostly, neo-liberal market practices and principles make them more of an ally than an adversary.
Chile
The recent election of Michelle Bachelet, part of the governing Concertation coalition, has signaled that Chile will follow, more or less, the policies that have made it Latin America’s most successful economy for the past 16 years. Chile has also been known as having the most solid and consolidated democratic institutions in the Region.
In 2003, The US and Chile signed a free trade agreement and, as a result, trade has doubled between the two nations since its signing.
President Bachelet, despite being the leader of the Socialist Party in Chile, has committed herself and her nation to protecting private industry and property while strengthening international trade ties. Chile has recently signed trade deals with China and Colombia.
Bachelet has increased attention to the needs of the poor by promising further spending on welfare programs; however, the Bachelet Administration has committed itself to continue the practice of a structurally built-in fiscal surplus of 1% (of GDP) into the national budget.
Peru
Alan Garcia, recently elected President, has welcomed the signing of a US-Peru Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and is currently seeking deals with Canada, the EU and China.
Garcia has committed Peru to cooperate with the US on the eradication of coca growing and has promised action aimed at limiting his nation’s growing, production and exportation of coca and cocaine.
Mr. Garcia has promised new and innovative social programs to help his countries’ poor while a commitment to neo-liberal fiscal policy and increases in export commodity prices produced 6.6% growth in 2006.
He has railed against Hugo Chavez and his petro-diplomacy as Chavez funneled huge sums of money into Garcia’s hard-left opponent (Ollanta Humala) in the recent Peruvian election. Since the election, tensions have cooled; however, Chavez is no friend of Garcia.
It is imperative that U.S. policy-makers understand the fundamental differences between these two leftist camps and approach them accordingly. The old Cold War labels of simply left and right no longer apply in Latin America and are applied to ones peril. One type of leftist the US can, and should, work with. The other has placed itself in an adversarial position. To pressure and challenge the ideals of the neo-caudillo left and to encourage and support the new moderate left, the President and Congress should:
Put pressure on the Organization of American States (OAS) to enforce the 2001 Inter-American Democratic Charter. The President and Congress should urge the OAS to intervene where democratic institutions are being threatened in the Region. This should be an effort to sustain the development and consolidation of democratic institutions and to prevent the further erosion of liberties and democratic foundations.Article 3 of the Charter states: “…Essential elements of representative democracy include…the pluralistic system of political parties and organizations, and the separation of powers and independence of the branches of government.”Article 4 states: “…freedom of expression and of the press are essential components of the exercise of democracy.” Events unfolding in OAS member nations such as Venezuela and Bolivia run contrary to the language and intent of the Charter.
Develop further cooperative efforts with right-of-center and moderate leftists in the Region. To counter authoritarian movements and the rhetoric from nations like Venezuela and Bolivia, US policy makers should continue to welcome and strengthen cooperative initiatives. Counter-narcotics collaboration and Free Trade Agreements (FTA) are examples of working relationships that stress rule of law, free market principles and the support for and the consolidation of democratic institutions. The US should continue collaborative efforts such as:Brazil is working closely with US officials to attempt to revive the stalled Doha round and it is expected that the U.S. and Brazil will sign an accord, within a year, which would promote technology-sharing and encourage more Latin American neighbors to become bio-fuel producers and consumers.The US and Colombia have worked closely, for years, on an initiative called Plan Colombia. This collaborative effort aims to achieve peace, strengthen democracy, and deal with the drug problem in Colombia.
Congress should renew the President’s Trade Promotion Authority (TPA). The President’s ability to negotiate trade deals is set to expire on June 30th, 2007. Congress should swiftly renew the President’s ability to negotiate trade deals as they are one of the most effective tools we have to encourage the development of democratic institutions and the commitment to free market practices. Negotiating free trade agreements without TPA sets them up for failure before they even begin as TPA forces an up or down vote on the language without amendment.Congress Should Swiftly Approve Pending FTA’s with Colombia, Peru and Ecaudor. These three Latin american nations have chosen to ally themselves with Washington in at least they are embracing freer trade and free markets. Democrats in congress should not further block these agreements based on domestic political maneuvering and pandering to the protectionist base. Failing to approve these FTA’s will only send a dangerous message that the U.S. cannot be trusted as a partner even on the one thing that it has been pressing for in latin america and around the world: free trade.
Conclusion
Leaders like Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa are actively orchestrating the ongoing erosion of democratic institutions, the wanton expropriation of private lands, the extreme divergence from free market principles and the quenching of their thirst for totalitarian power. If left to their own devices, these men, once gone from power, will leave in their wake a wide swath of poverty and repression on a scale that will have created numerous deficient and backward nations throughout the region. It is imperative that a proactive stance toward these regimes be formed into a cohesive foreign and economic policy that will limit their influence and destructive ability. It is equally important that the US continue to build lasting working-relationships with those nations that share a commitment to democratic institutions, respect for the rule of law and belief in the liberating nature of the free market. Realizing that the old rules of left and right no longer apply is crucial to an informed and successful foreign policy toward Latin America.
Written by Matthew Willette